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Citizens have allowed plutocratic forces to siphon away our political power. In his new book, Ralph Nader puts forth a plan to organize around 鈥渂edrock commonalities,鈥� which unite right and left, promising to return power to the people.

While a few privileged Americans enjoy what Ralph Nader describes as a 鈥減lutocracy of maximums,鈥� most Americans today subsist on a 鈥渄emocracy of minimums.鈥�

鈥淭ake a sweeping look at history and you will discover that almost all movements that mattered started with just one or two people.鈥�

Nader鈥檚 assessment of how concentrated wealth and power undermine democracy is clear and compelling, but it鈥檚 his substantive vision of how we ought to respond that makes Breaking Through Power essential reading.

Written just before Donald Trump鈥檚 Electoral College victory, Nader鈥檚 latest book reads with even greater urgency now. Trump, who campaigned as a populist, has selected one billionaire after another to cabinet positions, thus amplifying the relevance of the systemic critique Nader presents in his book鈥檚 early chapters.

For Nader, breaking through entrenched structures of corporate and government power begins by raising the public鈥檚 expectations regarding democracy. Expectation levels are the 鈥渋gnition switch,鈥� stoking the public sentiments necessary for enacting progressive change.

The premise of his argument is that small groups of individuals have initiated most of the significant, progressive political reforms in U.S. history鈥攆rom the abolition of slavery to securing women鈥檚 right to vote, from tobacco regulation to citizen initiatives on climate change. 鈥淭ake a sweeping look at history and you will discover that almost all movements that mattered started with just one or two people.鈥�

The book鈥檚 final chapter, titled 鈥淲hy Democracy Works,鈥� is Nader鈥檚 call to action. It begins by quoting Martin Luther King Jr. 鈥淲e鈥檝e got to massively confront the power structure,鈥� King announced at the start of the 1967 Poor People鈥檚 Campaign. To that end, Nader proposes the creation and activation of a new 1 percent鈥攐ne that will expose 鈥渃onditions of deprivation and abuse鈥� and champion 鈥渂asic fair play.鈥� Invoking Black Lives Matter, the citizens of Flint, Michigan, and the movements for climate justice, gun control, and economic justice, he imagines 2.5 million Americans 鈥渕otivated by a diverse range of interconnected issues 鈥� bubbling over with moral indignation, passion, and commitment.鈥�

These meetings would reverse the power dynamics to which politicians are accustomed. 

Nader calls on this new 1 percent to devote 300 volunteer hours and $200 to $300 per year to establish advocacy offices in each of the nation鈥檚 435 congressional districts. In each office, at least four citizens acting as full-time activists would establish an 鈥渋n-person advocacy relationship鈥� with their congressional representatives. This direct, personal relationship, he writes, is 鈥渢he strategy used by all successful lobbyists.鈥� In addition to direct lobbying of Congress, this core group of committed citizens would also work to mobilize 鈥渢he quiet majority of public opinion.鈥�

The second crucial component of Nader鈥檚 action plan is what he calls Citizens Summons, in which citizens call their congressional representatives home 鈥渇or sustained questioning and education鈥� by voters. Organized and run by citizens, these meetings would reverse the power dynamics to which politicians are accustomed. Because they are 鈥渘ew and unusual,鈥� the Summons will draw media attention; because they are 鈥渃lear, basic, and personal,鈥� they promise to activate communities of 鈥渞umbling determination鈥� within each congressional district. Nader offers a sample text for a Citizens Summons, focused on activating and expanding what he describes as 鈥渟ustainable tools of citizen power,鈥� which he first articulated in 1992 as .

Underlying Nader鈥檚 plan for a new, politically organized, progressive 1 percent is his vision of a 鈥渓eft/right convergence,鈥� based on issues of 鈥渂edrock commonality.鈥� With this point, the combination of Nader鈥檚 critique of plutocracy and his plan for reviving democracy reaches its greatest power.

Like ruling classes throughout history, Nader argues, our contemporary Republican and Democratic parties use a divide-and-conquer strategy to 鈥渄eliberately undermine organic solidarities鈥� across lines of race, gender, and class. By organizing around shared 鈥渂edrock鈥� issues鈥攊ncluding the desires for clean elections, working wages that provide for meaningful livelihoods, quality health care that is affordable, and clean air, water, and food鈥攚e develop a 鈥渃ivic personality鈥� inspired by a sense of community, purpose, and self-respect, rather than by loyalties to political parties that play on our fears and encourage divisive thinking.

鈥淲e can eliminate poverty if and when we break from traditional paradigms.鈥� 

I would hone Nader鈥檚 compelling call to action with insights from two readings that have proven persuasive to students in my sociology courses over the years:

From the 2012 book The Rich and the Rest of Us, I would add Tavis Smiley and Cornel West鈥檚 鈥淧overty Manifesto,鈥� which identifies 10 鈥渓ies about poverty that America can no longer afford鈥� and advocates . Smiley and West鈥檚 argument that we can eliminate poverty 鈥渋f and when we break from traditional paradigms and map a new course based on shared humanity and shared accountability鈥� resonates with Nader鈥檚 vision and sharpens it.

From a 1993 presentation, now widely anthologized as I would add Elizabeth (Betita) Mart铆nez鈥檚 critical analysis of the relationship between racism and capitalism in U.S. history. Mart铆nez describes how white elites in the 13 original colonies promoted a racist 鈥渋deology of whiteness鈥� as a divide-and-control strategy, encouraging lower-class, often indentured whites to understand their identities and interests in terms of color rather than class.

Today, as the nation grapples with the mainstreaming of white-identity politics, including white nationalism and white supremacy鈥攚hich Trump鈥檚 presidential campaign not only benefited from but almost certainly helped to promote鈥擬art铆nez鈥檚 succinct account of deeply institutionalized racism in American history is more relevant than ever. Keeping firmly in mind her insights about elite uses of race and racism as hegemonic tools will fortify Nader鈥檚 plan for progressive activism based on 鈥渂edrock commonalities.鈥�